Tuesday, December 30, 2014

Ethiopian journalists must choose between being locked up or locked out

December 30, 2014
(CPJ) A sharp increase in the number of Ethiopian journalists fleeing into exile has been recorded by the Committee to Protect Journalists in the past 12 months. More than 30–twice the number of exiles CPJ documented in 2012 and 2013 combined–were forced to leave after the government began a campaign of arrests. In October, Nicole Schilit of CPJ’s Journalist Assistance program and Martial Tourneur of partner group Reporters Without Borders traveled to Nairobi in Kenya to meet some of those forced to flee.
Ethiopian Journalists who fled to Nairobi
Journalists who fled to Nairobi over security fears perform a traditional Ethiopian coffee ceremony in one of the cramped apartments they share. (CPJ/Nicole Schilit)
The group of reporters, photographers, and editors we met had all been forced to make a tough decision that has affected them and their families–a life in exile or prison. All of the journalists spoke to CPJ on condition of anonymity, out of concern for their safety. During meetings to discuss their cases, one of them told us: “I hope one day I can bring my family. Maybe in the future. I want to secure myself first. Now is not secure.”
Since July, a large number of Ethiopian journalists have left behind their families, homes, and a steady income to seek safety. The reason for this sharp increase is a government crackdown on the independent media. In January, the state-controlled Ethiopian Press Agency and Ethiopian News Agency carried out a study to “assess the role of [seven] magazines in the nation’s peace, democracy and development.” The results were illustrated in two charts that claimed the magazines were promoting terrorism and damaging the economy.
Ethiopian government newspaper
One of the exiled journalists CPJ met in Nairobi holds up a newspaper report on a study criticizing independent publications. (CPJ/Nicole Schilit)
The study was followed by a series of arrests and charges of journalists from a range of publications, as well as those associated with the Zone 9 blogging collective. In July six bloggers and three journalists were charged with terrorism. On June 25, 20 journalists at the state-run Oromia Radio and Television Organization were dismissed without explanation. In August, the Ministry of Justice announced that six publications were being charged with publishing false information, inciting violence, and undermining public confidence in the government. Managers at three publications were sentenced in absentia to three-year jail terms for “inciting the public by spreading false information.” And in October, Temesghen Desalegn of Feteh (Justice) magazine was sentenced to three years’ imprisonment for defamation and incitement.
With the threat of imprisonment hanging over Ethiopia’s press, many journalists decided to flee. Most left without much notice. Some knew Ethiopians who had moved to Nairobi months or even years earlier, and were able to contact them before leaving their homes. Others arrived without having any basic knowledge of the city, and had to find help with everything from registering as a refugee with the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) to finding a place to stay.
CPJ’s Journalist Assistance program has had a steady flow of requests from journalists in Ethiopia and other parts of East Africa since the program began in 2001, but we have never seen numbers like this. With so many journalists displaced, it was important that CPJ identified their most urgent needs and challenges before deciding how best to support them.
The exiled journalists that CPJ and its partner group met included journalists who worked for several independent publications, as well as freelancers and founding members of the Ethiopian Journalists Forum (EJF). Not all of the journalists were facing charges, but they said they had experienced harassment, intimidation, and threats of imprisonment over their reporting.
One of the journalists said he had been in Angola for a conference in April when he was advised by friends not to return to Ethiopia. While he was away, six Zone 9 bloggers had been arrested. The journalist was not part of the Zone 9 group, but he said friends convinced him to come to Nairobi instead of returning to Ethiopia’s capital, Addis Ababa. Despite the warnings he was insistent on returning to Ethiopia. “I did not prepare to not return,” he said. His wife begged him to stay in Nairobi and told him security officials had visited their home and threatened her. She joined him in Nairobi one month later.
All of the journalists told us they needed financial support for basic living expenses. Despite being crammed into homes that feel temporary, and where up to three people share a room, the journalists struggle to afford rent and food. They have lost their incomes and, with the desire to keep a low profile and no means to start a publication, they do not know when they will be able to work again.
Conditions for Ethiopian journalists fleeing into exile
Conditions for those fleeing into exile are hard. Up to four journalists share a bedroom but they still struggle to pay for food and rent. (CPJ/Nicole Schilit)
In one apartment, four journalists from a single outlet were living together. They described how in Addis Ababa they had been financially secure. “Most of us have no economic problems back home. I had my own TV show and the payment from our employment was good… but that charge. We know the meaning of that charge,” one of the journalists said, referring to accusations that they had spread false information intended to undermine public trust in the government.
One of the journalists said he wanted to bring his wife and two-year-old son to Nairobi, but couldn’t afford their travel, or to support them. “There is no money. And I am the breadwinner,” he said.
Nairobi has offered little solace for these journalists. We met the majority of those we spoke to in the barely furnished homes they were living in, which are spread out across the city. Several of the journalists said they still did not feel safe, and were scared of being taken back to Ethiopia. The fear that authorities have the ability to reach over borders is common among those who have fled into exile.
Exile and security fears have taken a psychological toll on these journalists. They repeatedly told us their daily movements were limited because they worry what could happen while they are outside. “In the morning, I find myself without any plan to do. We feel lost here,” one said during meetings to assess their needs. Another added: “It is very boring. I feel desperate.”
One of the apartment buildings, Nirobi
One of the apartment buildings where some of the journalists are living. Many say the fear that drove them to flee still lingers. (CPJ/Nicole Schilit)
One of the journalists told us: “It’s a kind of traumatizing experience. At night, what if someone comes and is banging on the door looking for us? Whenever someone is shouting we think it is a security officer who [has] come to look for us. So it is very difficult at night. It is very scary.”
Respected journalists who had successful careers in Ethiopia are now refugees in a foreign country. Despite being in exile because of their reporting, they all expressed a commitment to continue working in journalism once their financial and security needs had been fixed.
Since speaking to the exiled journalists and assessing their needs, CPJ has been working with partner organizations to coordinate assistance for them. In addition to providing small grants to help cover basic living expenses, CPJ has continued to advocate on behalf of the journalists with the UNHCR. Exiled journalists have to register as a refugee with the organization, or other authorities, to begin the often lengthy process of applying for refugee status or waiting for resettlement to a third country.
The Journalist Assistance program is funded entirely through charitable donations. More details on how you can help, and how donations are used by the Gene Roberts Fund for Emergency Assistance are available here.
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Nicole Schilit is CPJ’s Journalist Assistance Associate. She has a master’s in public administration from the School of International and Public Affairs at Columbia University and a bachelor’s in documentary photography from Oberlin College in Ohio.

Sunday, December 28, 2014

World’s worst jailers – Ethiopia ranked the 4th – CPJ

  more than 200 journalists are imprisoned for their work for the third consecutive year, reflecting a global surge in authoritarianism. China is the world’s worst jailer of journalists in 2014. A CPJ special report by Shazdeh Omari
The Committee to Protect Journalists identified 220 journalists in jail around the world in 2014, an increase of nine from 2013. The tally marks the second-highest number of journalists in jail since CPJ began taking an annual census of imprisoned journalists in 1990, and highlights a resurgence of authoritarian governments in countries such as China, Ethiopia, Burma, and Egypt.
China’s use of anti-state charges and Iran’s revolving door policy in imprisoning reporters, bloggers, editors, and photographers earned the two countries the dubious distinction of being the world’s worst and second worst jailers of journalists, respectively. Together, China and Iran are holding a third of journalists jailed globally—despite speculation that new leaders who took the reins in each country in 2013 might implement liberal reforms.
The 44 journalists in Chinese jails are a jump from 32 the previous year, and reflect the pressure that President Xi Jinping has exerted on media, lawyers, dissidents, and academics to toe the government line. In addition to jailing journalists, Beijing has issued restrictive new rules about what can be covered and denied visas to international journalists. Coverage of ethnic minority issues continues to be sensitive; almost half of those jailed are Tibetan or Uighur, including academic and blogger Ilham Tohti and seven students imprisoned for working on his website, Uighurbiz. Twenty-nine of the journalists behind bars in China were held on anti-state charges. (Readdetailed accounts of each imprisoned journalist here.)
The administration of Iranian President Hassan Rouhani has also maintained repressive measures against the press. This year, Iranian authorities were holding 30 journalists in jail, down from 35 in 2013 and a record high of 45 in 2012. CPJ’s 2014 International Press Freedom Award winner Siamak Ghaderi was released from prison in July, but that same month, Iranian authorities jailed Jason Rezaian, a Washington Post reporter. By late 2014, the government had still not disclosed the reason for Rezaian’s arrest or the nature of charges against him.
The list of the top 10 worst jailers of journalists was rounded out by Eritrea, Ethiopia, Vietnam, Syria, Egypt, Burma, Azerbaijan, and Turkey. The prison census accounts only for journalists in government custody and does not include those in the captivity of nonstate groups. For example, CPJ estimates that approximately 20 journalists are missing in Syria, many of whom are believed held by the militant group Islamic State.
Turkey, which was the world’s worst jailer in 2012 and 2013, released dozens of journalists this year, bringing to seven the number of journalists behind bars on the date of CPJ’s census. However, on December 14, Turkey detained several more journalists—along with television producers, scriptwriters, and police officers—and accused them of conspiring against the Turkish state, according to news reports. The detentions were born of a political struggle between President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan and the ruling party and the movement led by U.S.-based cleric Fethullah Gülen, and included the editor-in-chief of one of Turkey’s largest dailies, Zaman, which is aligned with Gülen.
In Eritrea, which has consistently ranked among the world’s worst jailers and is ranked third this year, authorities are holding 23 journalists, all without charge, and have refused to disclose the prisoners’ health or whereabouts. In 2014, CPJ conducted a fresh investigation into the status of long-held prisoners in the extremely repressive country; the probe led to the addition or removal of a handful of cases but yielded little information about many of those long jailed.
A state crackdown on independent publications and bloggers in Ethiopia this year more than doubled the number of journalists imprisoned to 17 from seven the previous year, and prompted several journalists to flee into exile, according to CPJ research.
For the first time since 2011, Burma had journalists in jail on the date of CPJ’s census: at least 10 were imprisoned, all on anti-state charges. In July, five staff members of the Unity weekly news journal were sentenced to 10 years in prison each under the 1923 Official Secrets Act. Rather than reforming draconian and outdated security laws, President Thein Sein’s government is using the laws to imprison journalists.
In Azerbaijan, authorities were jailing nine journalists, up one from the previous year. Amid a crackdown on traditional media, some activists took to social networking sites in an attempt to give the public an alternative to state media. CPJ’s list does not include at least four activists imprisoned in Azerbaijan this year for creating and managing Facebook groups on which they and others posted a mix of commentary and news articles about human rights abuses and allegations of widespread corruption.
Egypt more than doubled its number of journalists behind bars to at least 12, including three journalists from the international network Al-Jazeera.
In recent years, journalist jailings in the Americas have become increasingly rare, with one documented in each 2012 and 2013. This year, the region has two: a Cuban blogger was sentenced to five years in prison in retaliation for his critical blog, and in Mexico, an independent journalist and activist for Mayan causes has been charged with sedition.
Other trends and details that emerged in CPJ’s research include:
The 220 journalists jailed around the world compares with the 211 CPJ documented behind bars in 2013. The 2014 tally ranks the second highest behind 2012, when CPJ documented 232 journalists jailed in relation to their work.
Worldwide, 132 journalists, or 60 percent, were jailed on anti-state charges such as subversion or terrorism­. That is far higher than any other type of charge, such as defamation or insult, but roughly in line with the proportion of anti-state charges in previous years.
Twenty percent, or 45, of the journalists imprisoned globally were being held with no charge disclosed.
Online journalists accounted for more than half, or 119, of the imprisoned journalists. Eighty-three worked in print, 15 in radio, and 14 in television.
Roughly one-third, or 67, of the journalists in jail around the world were freelancers, around the same proportion as in 2013.
The number of prisoners rose in Eritrea, Ethiopia, China, Bangladesh, Thailand, Azerbaijan, Bahrain, Egypt, Israel and the Occupied Palestinian Territories, and Saudi Arabia.
Countries that appeared on the 2014 prison census after jailing no journalists in the 2013 survey were Cameroon, Swaziland, Mexico, Cuba, Burma, and Belarus.
CPJ defines journalists as people who cover the news or comment on public affairs in media, including print, photographs, radio, television, and online. In its annual prison census, CPJ includes only those journalists who it has confirmed have been imprisoned in relation to their work.
CPJ believes that journalists should not be imprisoned for doing their jobs. The organization has sent letters expressing its serious concerns to each country that has imprisoned a journalist. In the past year, CPJ advocacy led to the early release of at least 41 imprisoned journalists worldwide.
CPJ’s list is a snapshot of those incarcerated at 12:01 a.m. on December 1, 2014. It does not include the many journalists imprisoned and released throughout the year; accounts of those cases can be found at www.cpj.org. Journalists remain on CPJ’s list until the organization determines with reasonable certainty that they have been released or have died in custody.
Journalists who either disappear or are abducted by nonstate entities such as criminal gangs or militant groups are not included on the prison census. Their cases are classified as “missing” or “abducted.”

The Prime Disaster Hailemariam represents no one but opportunist (Hodam) elites

Tyranny is a government by, for and to opportunist elites. The more of them out there the more difficult the struggle for freedom and democracy would be. Therefore, the struggle for freedom and democracy is the struggle between opportunist elites and the rest. If the rest of Ethiopian elites don’t have the backbone to step forward on the side of the people the Hodam elites rule. Simply acknowledging that reality alone goes a long way to recalibrate the struggle and chase the Hodam elites to end tyrannical rule sooner than later and for good.
by Teshome Debalke
Ethiopians should fasten our seatbelt for the wildest ride in our history. The brazen ethnic regime Hodam ethnic elites continued drama on the lives and rights of Ethiopians to hold on illegitimate power and showed their ugliest character that contaminated the African political culture and left the people in endless poverty and conflicts.About the new Ethiopian PM Hailemariam Dessalegn
As expected, the behavior of the handpicked and self-professed ethnic Welyata warlord and TPLF handpicked Prime Minster Halemariam that milks his ethnicity to cover up his own atrocities against Ethiopians is a typical behavior of the Hodam elites’ that sustain tyrannical rule for as long as we can remember.
In reality the self-professed Tigray warlords that made a jackass out of him hiding behind Hodams like him are speaking. It is obvious he is clueless what goes around him to understand they are making him hold the bag of their crimes of treacheries, atrocities and corruption of four decades.
His latest smear campaign on Ethiopians was written and directed by TPLF’s warlords and the continuation of the strategy of division-diversion that served rogue group in the last 40 years. The handpicked ethnic political actor appears hibernating to preform several scripted episodes to please his handlers in the TPLF’s master plan of sustaining the regime by all means possible from its unavoidable demise. His Oromo Muslims-Christians punch line was a sample of what to come to capitalize on the only leverage left for the warlords to maintain their enablers’ attention.
Picking opportunistic (Hodams) ethnic elite to use-and-abuse has always been Melse Zenawi’s specialty. The undisputed ethnic leader of the self-professed Tigray warlords was not an ordinary man among his peers. The legendary mentor and ‘great leader’ of ethnic Hodam elites that couched Halimariam how to insult Ethiopians in a language he despises but yet can’t help speak to make it possible for him to be the Prime Minster. Like his mentor Melse it was not to govern but to insult and divide Ethiopians to accomplish TPLF’s declared mission. It says more about the incapacity of opportunist ethnic elites’ to understand governance but used-and-abused as proxy of tyranny against their own people. Thus, Halimarim’s behavior shouldn’t surprise Ethiopians as it is natural to surrender their moral and intellectual integrity as a prerequisite to serve the tormentors of their society.
This time around, Halimariam picked on Oromos, Silties, the Diaspora, Muslims and Christians alike to show he is still loyal cadre of his late god father and mentor that insulted him when he said ‘what is Axum to the Wolyatas he was appointed to represent when Melse stripped him of his Ethiopiawinet and confined him in his designated ethnic enclave not to leave until he proves his loyalty for TPLF’s warlords. .
As fate would have it, the self-professed ethnic Wolayta warlord with alleged blood on his hand turn Prime Minster for good behavior of fulfilling his bosses’ wishes. Ever since, he has been all over the world map insulting Ethiopians in a language he was told ‘victimized’ him. He wouldn’t even spare to tell us he is still victim of oppression in the same language he despise. It is a classic example of the shifty character of our contemporary ethnic elites that knowingly and willingly speak with both side of their mouth.
As expected, he went further down to the bottom of the pits not to spare insulting the poor Ethiopian women his beloved ethnic warlords sold as indenture servants to their Arab sponsors while he sends off his daughter in a prestigious American university in New York as reward and on the expenses of the same women he degrade . Once again, there is no limit the rush to the bottom for our contemporary Hodam elites servicing tyranny.
It is not clear whether the self-professed evangelical Christian and sanitation engineer by profession is preaching the gospel of God or Woyane. But, anyone who followed his tantrum since he came to the picture would agree he need sanitation of the soul and the mind through his faith or profession; as he is increasingly becoming an embarrassment to his religion and profession as well as his family, the ethnic group he claim to belong and Ethiopians as a whole he was handpicked to insult by none other than the self-declared Tigray warlords.
There is no question the man is swimming in ocean of ethnic sharks and doing everything he can to survive the next day. But, the bigger lesson Ethiopians should learn beyond the hapless PM that can’t put together a coherent sentence in any language he speaks is the crises our contemporary ethnic elites go through speaking with both side of their mouth; not only to please the ethnic tyranny they serve but manifesting their own wicked character to conspire against the people of Ethiopia. It isn’t clear whether they have the capacity to understand wrong and right or simply born with no back bone to do right.
But, unlike the regime’s political figures we often see and hear in the Media– making a jackass out of themselves like Halimariam, there are many self-professed Media, business, religion and civic personalities chocking over not to call a-spade-a-spade – agonizing not to say ills of ethnic tyranny or speak with split tongue to cover up for the regime.
The official motto of these good-for-noting opportunist is to claim they are ‘nonpolitical ‘or ‘neutral’, translated in plain English to mean; see, hear or speak no evil of tyranny in exchange for whatever goodies the regime provide them on the expenses of the people it held hostage. What is more disgusting in their character is pretending innocence of the offense they commit –insulting our intelligence.
The class of opportunist elites (Hodams) TPLF created in the last two decades are the backbone of the regime’s strategy to stay alive. As tragic as it is to see them surrender their moral and professional integrity, not to mention their complicity to sell their people for thehighest bidder, it is the reality we Ethiopians must accept and should confront them on every turn in our collective struggle for freedom and democracy.
Though many freedom advocates are focused on the regime’s officials, in reality, the worst offenders are none state opportunist actors in every sector with very little challenge from Ethiopians.
But, the self-professed Media personalities are the main offenders among the opportunist (Hodams) elites that cover up for the regime and confusing the public to divert attention. Some are blunt enough to claim nonpolitical Media in a nation where having access to the basics, including food and news is political. Others see Media passing on what the regime’s handpicked officials utter. The savviest Medias of all throw in a few opposing views from fake oppositions the regime created or unidentified individuals and groups against the regime to pretend they are credible enough to be believable. There are a few Media that specialize in scare tactics to make the brazen ethnic regime look relatively acceptable.
Surprisingly, all without exception despises and avoid the Ethiopian Stellate Television-Radio(ESAT), the only independent mass Media in the history of the nation that cracked open the propaganda machine of the regime while they entertain TPLF owned and operated propaganda outlets. In fact, if Media scrutiny is applied appropriately, most if not all wouldn’t qualify as one but, tabloids of diversion or propaganda Medias of the ruling regime. After all, what does it is the regime ruling Ethiopia but a collection of ethnic warlords running wild?
Tyranny is a government by, for and to opportunist elites. The more of them out there the more difficult the struggle for freedom and democracy would be. Therefore, the struggle for freedom and democracy is the struggle between opportunist elites and the rest. If the rest of Ethiopian elites don’t have the backbone to step forward on the side of the people the Hodam elites rule. Simply acknowledging that reality alone goes a long way to recalibrate the struggle and chase the Hodam elites to end tyrannical rule sooner than later and for good.
Therefore, reacting on every scripted utter the Hodam elites blubber to save the regime isn’t wise and productive. Instead identifying and exposing the masterminds and punishing the offenders go a long way to bring down tyranny on its knees. Surprisingly, the Hodam elites are scared chickens with no leg to stand on when challenged.
The silent elites have the responsibility to come out of their hiding to organize and play their proper role in freeing the public space from their opportunistic peers that are responsible facilitating the atrocities and corruption of the rogue regime.
Out of many opportunistic elites in the service of the rogue regime why TPLF pick of the Prime Disaster Hailemariam says a lot about the rest of contemporary opportunistic elites serving the regime. Closer scrutiny reviles the self-declared Hodam Tigray elites running the shows are speaking through him. The message they are passing on to Ethiopians is as clear as ever. The rogue minority ethnic regime survival depends on the constant conflict of Ethiopians and the harmony foreigners. Halimariam like Hodams are doing the former and an army of TPLF cadres including in the Diaspora doing the latter. They think that is the only way they can keep their rogue regime alive.
Unfortunately the rest of the Ethiopian elites at home and in Diaspora can’t come together to figure out who-is-who causing havoc on the lives and rights of our people–bickering over non issues and what TPLF throw at them. So far the best they can do is cry foul and undermine those that do something about it letting free the Hodam elites to run to the bank laughing.
When Ethiopians figure out the Hodam elites serving TPLF are the causes of most, if not all the problems facing our people and began to do something about it the end of the rogue regime and its corrupt elites would be around the corner.
The good news is Ethiopians are slowly but surely know who-is-who tormenting and robbing our people and nation and coming together to do something about it; thanks to the Ethiopian Satellite Television and many advocacy groups.
As expected the Hodam elites serving the rogue regime are doing everything in their power to make sure Ethiopians don’t know anything to come together to end the rogue regime rule.
The war with the army of Hodam elites serving ethnic tyranny Verses the rest will go on until the Hodam elites surrender for the people will. There is no way out of the stalemate and only the dim-witted Hodams elites believe otherwise.
My people, I don’t know about you but, life is all about making choices and I made mine. No matter what I won’t be an instrument of tyranny in any form or shape against my own people’s will to be free from tyranny. Such individual commitment I believe is needed from all of us to free our people from present and future tyranny for good. After all, civilized governments we run to as safe-haven from tyranny are the product of the principle stand of the elites not to be an instrument of tyranny. What does it take to make our contemporary elites to have the same principle stand to free our people from tyranny?
For those elites that use ethnicity and religion or whatever else as a meal ticket for political power and prestige, I only have one advice. Do not use-and-abuse our people for anything other than democratic rule. Anything else is short sighted and self-serving and doesn’t serve our people as proven over-and-over again.
As the legendry Ethiopian human right advocate Obang Metho said “no one would be free until all are free”. Whether we like it or not it we will be free no matter what the naysayers make us believe.
As to the poor Hodam elites that made their bed on the backs of our people, you made your choice to sleep with tyranny. Committing more crime only assure you one thing only; to be a fugitives from justice. It is a matter of time.
The article is dedicated for Ethiopians in the dungeons of Woyane. It is a matter of time the real offenders replace you where they belong.

Tuesday, December 23, 2014

የህዝብ ታዛቢ ሆነው ከተመረጡት ውስጥ አብዛኞቹ የኢህአዴግ አባላት መሆናቸው ተገለጸ

ታህሳስ 12 ቀን 2007 ዓ.ም በተካሄደው የህዝብ ታዛቢ ምርጫ አመራረጥ ሂደት ላይ የገዢው ፓርቲ አባላት በብዛት መመረጣቸውን የምርጫው ተሳታፊዎች ለሚሊዮኖች ድምፅ ገለፁ፡፡
2007 election
የምርጫ ታዛቢዎችን በማስመረጥ ሂደት ውስጥ በአዲስ አበባና በክልል ከተሞች የሚኖሩ የሚሊዮኖች ድምፅ ያነጋገረቻቸው የምርጫው ተሳታፊዎች እንደገለፁት አስመራጮችም ሆነ ተመራጮች የቀበሌ አስተዳዳሪዎች መሆናቸውን ፣ የህዝብ ታዛቢዎች ምርጫ ምንም ትኩረት እንዳልተሰጠው እና ለመራጩ ህዝብ በመገናኛ ብዙሃናት በቂ ጥሪ ያልተደረገለት መሆኑን ፣ ህዝቡ ስለምርጫው ምንም መረጃ ያልነበረው እንደሆነ ፣ የምርጫ ቦታዎችን ለማወቅ ነዋሪው ህዝብ እንደተቸገረና የምርጫ ቦታዎች እንዳይታወቁ መደረጉን ፣ የመስተዳድሩ ሀላፊዎችና የካቢኔ አባላት መድረኩን በመምራት ያሻቸውን ሲሰሩ እንደነበሩ የገለጹ ሲሆን በሁሉም ቦታዎች በቂ የምርጫ ተወካዮች አለመኖራቸውን አስረድተዋል፡፡ አዳራሾቹም በገዢው ፓርቲ መፈክሮች መሞላታቸውን ከእነዚህም ውስጥ ከመሪ ድርጅታችን ኢህአዴግ ጋር ለዘላቂ ልማት ወደፊት! የሚል እንደሚገኝበት አስታውቀዋል፡፡
የሚሊዮኖች ድምፅ ያነጋገረቻቸው የደብረሲና ነዋሪዎች እንደገለፁት በደብረሲና መድረኩን ሲመሩ የነበሩት የክልሉ አፈጉባኤ አቶ ፋቃዱ ሙላት መሆናቸውን እና የምርጫ ቦርድ ተወካይ አቶ ብስራት ታቼ ፣ ይህንን በማስመልከት ለተነሳላቸው ጥያቄ የምርጫ አስፈፃሚዎችን አሰልጥነን በበቂ ሁኔታ ስላልተመደቡ እንደ መንግስት እንዲረዱ መፍቀዳቸውን ገልፀዋል፡፡
በሌሎች የክልል ከተሞች ማለትም በሰሜን ሸዋ ፣ በጎንደር እና በቤንቺ ማጂ ዞን ሚዛን ተፈሪ በነበረው ታዛቢዎችን የመምረጥ ሂደት ላይ ተመሳሳይ ነገር መስተዋሉን የሚሊዮኖች ድምፅ ምንጮች ገልፀዋል፡፡
በሌላ በኩል በአዲስ አበባ በተካሄደው ምርጫ ላይም በክልሎች የታየው ችግር መስተዋሉን የገለፁት ምንጮች ከእነዚህም መሃል ለነዋሪው ህዝብ በቂ ጥሪ ያለመደረጉን ፣ የምርጫ አዳራሾችን ለማግኘት አስቸጋሪ መሆኑን ፣ የተቃዋሚ አባላትን ክብር ያለመስጠትና በክትትል ማወከብ ፣ የኤሌክትሮኒክስ መሳሪያዎች እንዳይገቡ መደረጉን ፣ የቀድሞ የምርጫ ታዛቢዎች በድጋሚ መመረጣቸውን ፣ የገዢው ፓርቲ የአንድ ለአምስት ጥርነፋ በስፋት መስተዋሉን በተለይም በወረዳ 12 እና 13 ይህ ነገር መታየቱን እንዲሁም የምርጫ ቦርድ ተወካዮች ማንነታቸውን የሚገልፅ መታወቂያ ለማሳየት ፈቃደኛ አለመሆናቸውን ገልፀዋል፡፡
ከዚሁ ጋር በተያያዘ የአንድነት ለዴሞክራሲና ለፍትሕ ፓርቲ (አንድነት) አባላት ታዛቢዎችን በማስመረጥ ሂደቱ ላይ እንዳይሳተፉ መዳረጋቸውን እና ለተወሰኑ ሰዓታትም በእስር ለማሳለፍ እንደተገደዱ አስታውቀዋል፡፡

Former US Diplomat Calls for Free and Fair Elections in Ethiopia

(VOA News) – Former US Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs Herman Cohen said Ethiopia should not be afraid to have free and fair elections or a free press.Berhanu Nega, professor of economics and Herman Cohen
Cohen said the government is doing good things that it can win an election on, such as creating jobs, carrying on infrastructure development and boosting trade. But he cautioned that the government has made no move to implement his suggestions.
“Ethiopia, I believe, should open up more toward multiparty democracy. Right now, you have opposition parties that exist, but they really do not have much access to the public. The press really does not give them much voice, and journalists have been imprisoned for saying things that the government doesn’t like. So, I think it’s time for the government to loosen up because they are doing good things in Ethiopia,” he said.
But Berhanu Nega, professor of economics at Bucknell University and former leader of the Coalition for Unity and Democracy in Ethiopia, said the government can never have free and fair elections.
“The reason why there’s so much repression, the reason why there’s so much muzzling of the press, the reason why the Ethiopian government is arresting opposition figures inside the country is precisely because they know that this is a despised government. It cannot last a day in an environment of freedom. This is a government that will lose catastrophically if there were [a] free and fair election,” Nega said.
Cohen also said he wanted to set the record straight about his recommendation during a London Conference on Ethiopia and Eritrea and Port Assab.
He said he did not say the port belongs to Ethiopia, contrary to what some in Ethiopia had attributed to him, and that he only recommended Ethiopia and Eritrea maintain a common economic union after Eritrea’s independence allowing Ethiopia to use the port.
“There are some people in Ethiopia who said that during the London Conference of 1991 I recommended that the Port of Assab belonged to Ethiopia. This is not correct. What I recommended was Ethiopia and Eritrea maintain a common economic union after Eritrea’s independence and, in that way, Ethiopia could use the Port of Assab,” he said.
Cohen said that before the war of 1998, Ethiopia used a section of the port for their imports and exports, which means that Assab did not belong to Ethiopia, but it had access to an exclusive zone.
He said the port should be the sovereign territory of Eritrea, but that Ethiopia should have the right to use it.

Saturday, December 20, 2014

Call for papers: The Role of Civil Society Organization in the Upcoming Elections in Ethiopia

Fourth International Conference of Ethiopian Women in the Diaspora, March 7, 2015 – Washington DC, USA

The Role of Civil Society Organization (CSOs) in the Upcoming Elections in Ethiopia
Call for papers
Civil society organizations (CSOs) flourished in Ethiopia from early 1990s to 2005 better than ever before. Some of these civil society organizations focused on service delivery, others on civil rights, gender equality and good governance, and still others on consciousness raising and the environment.The Center for the Rights of Ethiopian Women (CREW) logo
In 2009, the Government of Ethiopian enacted a new law, the Societies and Charities Proclamation. The law drastically restricted the activities of many nongovernmental organizations, prohibiting them to work on human rights and good governance. Currently, CSOs have no role in raising awareness of democracy, human rights, rule of law, and citizenship in the country. Meaningful participation of CSOs in activities related to the upcoming election is highly unlikely.
Individual initiatives through CSOs are based on the inalienable right to participate in vital political, social, economic or other issues, without belonging to political parties (in or outside government). Civil society organizations are autonomous means of participating in public life. They are systems of taking initiatives for ensuring that people follow their preferred directions to their political, economic or social lives. Without the active role of CSOs therefore, creating awareness of the rights and responsibilities of citizens and having fair and free elections is going to be impossible. That is, the 2015 elections could simply result in a one-party dominated election similar to that in 2010. Citizens will not participate freely to build a democratic society that will reflect their needs.
At its 4th annual international conference, therefore, the Center for Rights of Ethiopian Women (CREW) plans to consider the role of civil society organizations in the upcoming elections in Ethiopia. The main objective is to create an understanding of the magnitude of the negative impacts of the Societies and Charities Law on the activities of nongovernmental organizations. As a women’s civil society organization, CREW will also pay special attention to Ethiopian women’s participation in the political process. Thus, one of the major questions that the conference will address will be the role of women’s organizations in mobilizing women to use their rights towards fair and free elections.
With that in view, the conference is intended to cover the following themes:
1. Assessment of the Societies and Charities Law and its impact on the activities of civil society organizations in the upcoming elections:
• Lessons learned from previous elections; and
• Challenges and opportunities for the upcoming elections
2. Women’s participation in the political process:
• Women’s advocacy for free and fair elections
• Plan of action and advocacy on women’s participation in the political process
• Strategies for encouraging women to seek political leadership positions.
3 Encouraging the international community to promote free and peaceful elections in Ethiopia.
If you are interested in presenting papers on any of these areas, please send us a one-page proposal by January 30, 2015. The proposal should state the topic and show the pertinence of your presentation to our theme. If you have any questions, please write to us via our e-mail: ethiowomen@gmail.com.